Dahlgren

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===Civic Agency as Agonistic Performance=== ===Civic Agency as Agonistic Performance===
-* A chattering society is better suited for political discussion than tight lipped ones and media reworks concepts, ideas and ideologies to the general public.+* A chattering society is better suited for political discussion than tight lipped ones
 +* Media reworks concepts, ideas and ideologies to the general public
* Belief is that people are unable to make unique and completely developed ideas due, conflict is built into social interaction and change * Belief is that people are unable to make unique and completely developed ideas due, conflict is built into social interaction and change
* Need to understand not all talk is political and falls in deliberative discussion, not just face-to-face conversations but mediated ones * Need to understand not all talk is political and falls in deliberative discussion, not just face-to-face conversations but mediated ones

Revision as of 00:12, 31 October 2011

Contents

Abstract

Chapter 1- Democracy in Difficult Times

Chapter Summary

Although always a key concern of scholars, Dahlgren argues that "citizen participation should not be seen simply as a failure of civic virtue"(p. 16). Furthermore, Dahlgren suggests that the structures in which western democracy relies upon (social, cultural, political, technological conditions) are most certainly in transition, and therefore new ways of embodying and expressing democratic values and principles is also a key concern (p.14)[1]

  • Elusive Engagement

Dahlgren wishes to take his stance between two arguments that come up again and again, regarding civic engagement. On the one hand, scholars are overly critical of citizens failure to take an interest in politics, sighting citizen disengagement as an epidemic to Western civilization (see Walter Lippmann, 1922). On the other end, scholars idealize the impact of civic engagement with unrealistic enthusiasm (see John Dewey, 1923).

  • Structural Snapshots
    • Disengagement for good and Bad reasons
      • Citizens vote for a representative to do much of the actual decision-making, perhaps limiting the degree to which one needs to be actively involved when the system is functioning
      • Lower class citizens may feel powerless because of continually existing social and economic inequalities
    • Winners and Losers


    • Uncivic Economism
  • According to Dahlgren, "Economism is understood as a reductionist mode of rationality whose definitive characteristic is to assert the priority of economic criteria over all other values or modes of reasoning"(p. 20)[2]
    • Global Democratic Progress in the long term?
  • Socio-cultural Turbulence
    • Cultural Dispersions
    • Individualization
    • The erosion of Traditional Institutions
    • The Emerging Network Character of Society
  • Civic Regeneration: Two Fronts

Further Reading

Carl Boggs article "The Great Retreat: Decline of the Public Sphere in Late 20th Century America"[3]

Facebook protest to Bill 126 Road Safety Act(2008), as Reported in the Toronto Star "McGuinty will reach out to young drivers on Facebook"[4]

Pippa Norris article "The Bridging and Bonding Role of Online Communities"[5]

Discussion Questions

  1. How are the people occupying Wall Street[1] an example of the 'Alternative politics' Dahlgren is referring to in Chapter 1's Civic Regeneration?
  2. Do civic demonstrations require some sort of physical gathering of people to instill democratic change?
  3. What about online civic demonstrations, what are some pros and cons to raising awareness within an online public sphere?

Notes and References

  1. ↑ Dahlgren, P. (2009) Media and Political Engagement. (Cambridge UP, New York)
  2. ↑ Dahlgren, P. (2009) Media and Political Engagement. (Cambridge UP, New York)
  3. ↑ http://resolver.scholarsportal.info/resolve/03042421/v26i0006/741_tgrdotpsilta
  4. ↑ http://www.thestar.com/News/Ontario/article/543011
  5. ↑ http://resolver.scholarsportal.info/resolve/1081180x/v07i0003/3_tbabrooc

Chapter 2- Media Alterations

Chapter Summary

Dahlgren highlights specific changes in the media landscape that potentially alter the political landscape, and in turn, the potential for, and the quality of civic engagement. In addition, Dahlgren notes how these changes have affected journalism, and finally how the relationships between citizens, elites, and media have also become altered in the process.

The media are linked to democracy to the extent that media forms representations of political life. Politicians must depend on the media in order to gain public exposure, and "[p]olitical and economic elites make use of the media for the daily routines of governing, for opinion- and image-management, as well as for major initiatives or trouble-shooting in times of crises"[6]

*Proliferation, Concentration, and Deregulation

An increase of media outlets (i.e. choice of media forms and genres) creates an overwhelming surrounding of choices, all competing for an individual's attention. Mega-corporations have continued to expand their ownership over a vast array of media outlet companies so that only few corporations are controlling media activities. Such capitalistic gain poses threats to Democracy, as media conglomerates are able to see that journalism does not speak against company interests. The presence of media conglomerates leads to deregulation, which is when the government policies end up better serving businesses, policy officials, etc. over what is most beneficial for citizens(35-38)[7].

*Globalization

Dahlgren makes an interesting point about globalization's role in democracy. Specifically, Dahlgren insists that the positive sides of globalization should not be overlooked in its ability to bring to the forefront global frames of reference and social engagement, as well as the opportunity for public engagement in international issues (p.38). For instance, the recent string of protests happening globally, most notably the Egyptian Revolution [2], and recently the "Occupy Wall Street" demonstration which has, within weeks, spread across areas of North America. Some people in Toronto are planning a demonstration in mid October entitled "Occupy Toronto Market Exchange"[3]

*Digitalization

Dahlgren discusses digitization as a one of the major technological changes to western media. Particularly Dahlgren refers to Web 2.0 technology, which provides citizens with inexpensive media platforms that are easy to access, as well as an increase in the development of hand-held devices that connect citizens in new and various spaces (p. 39).

Notes and References

  1. ↑ Dahlgren, P. (2009) Media and Political Engagement. (Cambridge UP, New York)
  2. ↑ Dahlgren, P. (2009) Media and Political Engagement. (Cambridge UP, New York)
  3. ↑ http://resolver.scholarsportal.info/resolve/03042421/v26i0006/741_tgrdotpsilta
  4. ↑ http://www.thestar.com/News/Ontario/article/543011
  5. ↑ http://resolver.scholarsportal.info/resolve/1081180x/v07i0003/3_tbabrooc
  6. ↑ Dahlgren, P. (2009) Media and Political Engagement. (Cambridge UP, New York)
  7. ↑ Dahlgren, P. (2009) Media and Political Engagement. (Cambridge UP, New York)

Chapter 3- Citizens and Agency

Chapter Summary

Dahlgren charts some key ideas from contemporary strands that will help to highlight and anchor the basic perspective of citizenship that he develops throughout the book. This perspective views citizenship not just as the formal, legal set of rights and obligations, but also treats it as a mode of social agency. Dahlgren interrogates the social construction of the concept of citizenship, in order to rethink and redefine the notions of citizenship and civic agency. Rather than understanding these as activities bounded solely by civic engagement in the public sphere, Dahlgren argues that both citizenship and civic agency are the products of mutually productive social and cultural processes.

Citizenship: An Expansive Terrain

Addresses citizenship as a growing area of interest in research, discussing a number of developments that underscore the importance of its dimensions of agency and subjectivity.

  • In this section Dahlgren addresses the fact that the civic is a precondition for the political, in the sense that it situates us in the realm of the public. Civic Agency is used in this book then, as a fundamental notion to conceptually anchor people's enactment of citizenship. He argues that democratic rhetoric often encourages people to be civic - to engage in public matters and offer service- but notes that people are rarley encouraged to be political because politics tend to have a negative aura surrounding them. T.H Marshall and his discussion of the Three Dimensions of citizenship that have defined much of contemporary discussion: the civic, political, and social, are used as support for Dahlgrens claims in this section.
    • Further reading on Marshall's discussion of citizenship addressed throughout the chapter, in Citizenship and Social Class[8]
  • Dahlgren also highlights New directions for citizenship in this section of the chapter and lists factors like the modern world, universality,globalization and emerging notions of citizenship as important factors and realizing and redefining what it means to be a citizen in the modern world. Within this discussion he addresses the difference between State and Universalist understandings of citizenship. He highlights Stevenson's connection of citizenship and alterations in cultural patterns and the media and lists the three main theoretic traditions of citizenship throughout Political Theory literature as liberalism, communitarianism, and replublicanism
    • More detail on Stevenson's arguments:[9]

Becoming Citizens, Doing Citizenship

Explores the idea of how people become citizens. In this section Dahlgren emphasizes the importance of prepolitical socio-cultural experience and the interactional character of participation.

  • Dahlgren emphasizes the etymological link between the notion of "civil society" and the concept of "civic", with its connections to publicness and the public good. He argues that civil society can be treated as the domain of the civic, the public sites of civic agency, where political participation has its origins. The political can only emerge in preexisting civic domain - what we call civil society. In this section Dahlgren explains that at the general level, civil society is seen by many writers as the societal terrain between the state and the economy, the realm of free association where citizens can interact to pursue their shared interests and argues that a healthy democracy needs a robust, public domain of associational interaction. He discusses several different diagnoses as to why civil society is not working as it should referencing:
    • Robert Putnam : Extended Argument [10]
    • Philip Agre: Extended Argument [11]
  • Dahlgren then uses the rest of the chapter to discuss the notion of Public Spheres as Interactional Practices. He bases this discussion of the public sphere around Habermas' traditional definitions, and uses Livingstone's discussions of the public and private aspects of the public sphere in order to redefine what the public sphere actually entails and emphasize the importance of illuminating the traditional borders that have seperated the "public and the private"
    • Habermas and the Public Sphere [12]
    • Livingstone: Audiences and Publics [13]
    • The Private Preparation of Public Spheres-Livingstone: Private/Public [14]

The Knowledge Problem: Opinions and Experts

Section three discusses knowledge as a particular problem in terms of civic agency, focusing first on opinion processes and then on the dilemmas that go hand in hand with expert knowledge. Dahlgren highlights the importance of Public Opinion research and emphasizes the fact that civic Agency involves generating knowledge (and opinion) together. He discusses the processes of distribution of knowledge in society and argues that this distribution can never be "equal". He notes that these discrepancies of unequal knowledge distribution are due to an increasingly technologically advanced and highly specialized society. Dahlgren uses the final section of this chapter to highlight as well as emphasize the link between power and knowledge, as well as the need for increased civic awareness, education and civic counter knowledge.

  • Stephen Turner (2003): Dilemmas that expert knowledge pose for the functioning of Democracy

Further Reading

  • 'Citizenship and Social Class[15]
  • 'Stevenson's arguments:[16]
  • Robert Putnam : Extended Argument [17]
  • Philip Agre: Extended Argument [18]
  • Habermas and the Public Sphere [19]
  • Livingstone: Audiences and Publics [20]
  • The Private Preparation of Public Spheres-Livingstone: Private/Public [21]
  • Stephen Turner (2003): Dilemmas that expert knowledge pose for the functioning of Democracy

Discussion Questions

  • 1. In the modern age, with new technologies and ways of interacting and communication, should we rethink the notion of citizenship itself?
  • 2. Where can you see the interplay between public and private that Dahlgren is talking about, in modern the modern public sphere?
  • 3.Do you think that the modern Public Sphere consisting of micro and increasingly private spaces, represent a more realistic and productive version of the public sphere, than what Habermas traditionally suggested?
  • 4.Is choosing to take part in particular public spheres, with like minded people that are interested in similar things, a legitimate form of participation in the public sphere?
  • 5. Many suggest that modern mediated types of communication that create the modern public sphere are taking awy from traditional notions of "community", and traditional ways of interacting with people close with us, is this a productive assumption?
  • 6. When discussing "The Knowledge Problem" Dahlgren references Bohman, who suggests that "in order to deal with cognitive and communicative asymmetries, deliberative situations and institutions in which those affected by experts can evaluate the political credibility of experts and acquire influence over the terms of cooperation with them" need to be created. Would this type of massive institutional reform ever be possible? Would it work?

Notes and References

  1. ↑ Dahlgren, P. (2009) Media and Political Engagement. (Cambridge UP, New York)
  2. ↑ Dahlgren, P. (2009) Media and Political Engagement. (Cambridge UP, New York)
  3. ↑ http://resolver.scholarsportal.info/resolve/03042421/v26i0006/741_tgrdotpsilta
  4. ↑ http://www.thestar.com/News/Ontario/article/543011
  5. ↑ http://resolver.scholarsportal.info/resolve/1081180x/v07i0003/3_tbabrooc
  6. ↑ Dahlgren, P. (2009) Media and Political Engagement. (Cambridge UP, New York)
  7. ↑ Dahlgren, P. (2009) Media and Political Engagement. (Cambridge UP, New York)
  8. ↑ http://academic.udayton.edu/clarakim/inequality/articles/1-intro/Marshall--Citizenship%20and%20Social%20Class.pdf
  9. ↑ http://proxy.library.brocku.ca/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=10687558&login.asp&site=ehost-live&scope=site
  10. ↑ http://www.beyondintractability.org/booksummary/10670/
  11. ↑ http://polaris.gseis.ucla.edu/pagre/republic.html
  12. ↑ http://www.wehavephotoshop.com/PHILOSOPHY%20NOW/PHILOSOPHY/Habermas/Structural.Transformation.of.the.Public.Sphere.-.Jurgen.Habermas.pdf
  13. ↑ http://journals2.scholarsportal.info/details-sfx.xqy?uri=/02673231/v23i0003/371_rslaapbib22p.xml
  14. ↑ http://proxy.library.brocku.ca/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ufh&AN=22713411&login.asp&site=ehost-live&scope=site
  15. ↑ http://academic.udayton.edu/clarakim/inequality/articles/1-intro/Marshall--Citizenship%20and%20Social%20Class.pdf
  16. ↑ http://proxy.library.brocku.ca/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=10687558&login.asp&site=ehost-live&scope=site
  17. ↑ http://www.beyondintractability.org/booksummary/10670/
  18. ↑ http://polaris.gseis.ucla.edu/pagre/republic.html
  19. ↑ http://www.wehavephotoshop.com/PHILOSOPHY%20NOW/PHILOSOPHY/Habermas/Structural.Transformation.of.the.Public.Sphere.-.Jurgen.Habermas.pdf
  20. ↑ http://journals2.scholarsportal.info/details-sfx.xqy?uri=/02673231/v23i0003/371_rslaapbib22p.xml
  21. ↑ http://proxy.library.brocku.ca/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ufh&AN=22713411&login.asp&site=ehost-live&scope=site

Chapter 4 - Engagement, Deliberation & Performance

Chapter Summary

Dalhgren separates participation and engagement in political terms, leading participation to be a critical to being an active citizen but to be engaged, an individual's empowerment is just as important. The media's role in the political discussion Dahlgren believes leads to distrust, ambivalence and indifference. Dahlgren furthermore critics deliberative democracy through What Kind of talk, Unreasonable Rationality and Discursive Power.

Democracy, Engagement & Passion

  • Engagement, Participation, Indifference
    • Dahlgren identifies that political engagement and participation are not synonyms and that the difference between the two terms can be valuable in understanding what it means to be an active citizen.
      • Engagement is the focus energy placed on an individual task or ideal; a subjective state and Participation is to have some degree of interest and engagement but lacks civic agency or empowerment.
    • Dahlgren believes the media plays a role towards citizen involvement in politics. Dalhgren references Bennulf & Hedberg (1999) and their three attitudinal alternative as a method for involves not becoming as engaged in politics [22]
      • Distrust is a negative response or feeling towards the political system or a lack of empowerment through a clear disconnect before individual and government
      • Ambivalence is some degree of involvement, but the work is not work the reward, or vice versa. Dalhgren points to non-voting as the best method of ambivalence; a method to send a message
      • Indifference is the political system is no more important than other industries (Music, Sports, Movies, etc.) and it can be seen as ironic; individuals who find ways to avoid voting though they have a clear and strong knowledge of the political system
  • Motivation: Politics and Passion
    • Dalhgren references Cheryl Hall and how she is able to break down the differentiating factors that go into the assumptions of passion and reason.[23]
      • Reason & Passion are intertwined within the psyche, passion is not blind and can have a desire for good, reason can be unguided and inaccurate and apathetic citizens are absent of passion and thus lack participation according to Hall.

Deliberative Democracy

Dalhgren identified Habermas' communicative rationality as a foundation of democracy and political participation. Deliberative democracy brings together communication with political theories following basic public sphere model by Habermas which is believed by many to be only relevant in actual decision-making situations, that deliberation should go beyond the actual decision-making process; beyond the strong public spheres and to create mutual respect. Dahlgren believes that three limitations are ever present with deliberative democracy: What kind of talk?, Unreasonable Rationality and Discursive Power with then relating those to Civic Talk.

  • What Kind of Talk?
    • Dalhgren references Schudson and how he views political discussion
    • "Conversation is not the soul of democracy", democracy is based on problem solving and not completely sociable while conversation can tilt political discussion
    • Dalhgren references Noelle-Nuemann's spiral of silence as a theory relevant to awkwardness of politics discussion as people will shy away from something they either do not understand or that will make them feel isolated
  • Unreasonable Rationality
    • Dalhgren points to Mayhew and his belief that having a completely rational discussion with unbiased individual is goes against civic debates.
    • Believing everyone with be neutral undercuts passion and can undermine democracy and deliberation
  • Discursive Power
    • Impossible to have all individuals on an equal playing field as deliberation hopes to achieve and collective action allows for a much more powerful avenue of change
    • Eliminates idea that discussion is a singular factor in political and social change
  • Civic Talk
    • Media attention leads to discussion which leads to better political awareness and patterns of ideologies that can legitimize social movement engagement
    • Elisaoph did a study about individuals interaction in the public and provate sphere in regards to political talk which dounf that the private sphere (Back-stage) leads to more political discussion than Public Sphere (Front-Stage) in regards to comfort towards each forum's location

Civic Agency as Agonistic Performance

  • A chattering society is better suited for political discussion than tight lipped ones
  • Media reworks concepts, ideas and ideologies to the general public
  • Belief is that people are unable to make unique and completely developed ideas due, conflict is built into social interaction and change
  • Need to understand not all talk is political and falls in deliberative discussion, not just face-to-face conversations but mediated ones

Literature Review

  1. Non-voters either didn’t see point or were too busy on may 2, study finds from the Globe and Mail. [24]
  2. Why no one wants an election [25]

Discussion Questions

  1. Do you agree that "Conversation is not the soul of democracy"?
  2. Do any of the three issues (What kind of talk, Rationality or power) stand out more than any of the others?
  3. Do Eliasoph's findings surprise you? (More political discussion occurs back-stage than in front-stage)
  4. Indifference seems to be the area that seems to be the most relevant towards a lack of engagement. In relation to politics, do you agree that no-voting is best method because the effort is worth more than the motivation or is it our distrust on the political system?

Chapter 5- Civic Cultures: An Analytic Frame

Chapter Summary

Dahlgren examines the factors that shape civic agency and how it impacts a citizen's overall engagement and participation in democracy. The evaluation of what classifies as a civic culture is outlined, relating it towards Dahlgren's six dimensions of civic cultures. The role of media is discussed and a brief indication towards television is introdcued.

Civic Cultures

  • Seen as participants and a want to be engaged
  • Are important for viable public spheres and for a functioning democracy
  • Shaped by various factors--institutions, interation with others, power, gender/ethnicity...
  • A general belief and acceptance of the authority of the state

Futhermore, Dahlgren suggests, "The plural charcter of civic cultures should not be interpreted as suggesting that there exist rigid boundaries between the civic cultures of different groups. Rather, different groups may give differing inflections and emphasis, which can be mapped out along the lines of the six dimensions" (p.106)

Dahlgren's Six Dimensions of Civic Cultures

Knowledge

  • Need knowledge in order to participate politically. Having access to reliable reports, discussions and debates, in order to be more engaged.
  • Be able to make sense of that which circulates the public sphere, and the world we live in.
    • Younger generations are expressing themselves in multimedia ways, where visual elements become more pronounced, often at the expense of textual modalities.

Values

  • In a democratic society there cannot be exceptions to such values, whether based on ethnic traditions or religious creeds.
  • Guidelines for ideal civic behavior
  • Be fully aware that shared values per se only put people within a common communicative culture

Trust

  • Thick trust: based on established personal relationships
  • Thin trust: people who we don't know personally but have some sort of exchange with
  • Developing a sense of "we-ness"

Spaces

  • Communicative spaces seen as the accessibility of viable public spheres
  • Media plays a role in mutiplying the means of communicative spaces

Practices

  • Can be and learned
  • Engaging in practices serves to empower citizens
    • For example - participating in elections is seen as the main practice for democracy's citizen

Identities

  • Evolve through experiences
    • "Identities build on knowledge and values, they can be reinforced by trust, and embodied in particular spaces via practices-pursuing issues by the use of civic skills-that in turn serve to reinforce identities" (p.119)

Social Capital - The notion of social capital is refered to resources that individuals and groups draw upon for their activities as citizens (Putnam, 2000). In regards to civic cultures, social capital is viewed as social connections within networks of shared interests.

Chapter 6- Television and Popular Public Spheres

Chapter Summary

In this riveting chapter, Dahlgren looks at how television both contributes to and hinders the ability of the public sphere to foster political engagement. The chapter looks at both the positive and negative effects television has had in terms of political engagement, and theorizes about what the future might hold for television and the public sphere in general.

Visualizing News: A Real Pleasure

  • Television journalism aims to to incorporate more of the personal, intimate and sensationalized perspective.[26]
  • Television plays a key role in taking 'newsworthy' stories and conveying them in a recognizable and meaningful manner
  • Audiences are gaining an overall awareness of how journalists capture newsstories. Camerawork has become an important part of capturing news stories. Home media production has helped viewers understand the complexity and detail involved in creating news stories.
  • The visual dimensions of news television are beyond a doubt the most powerful attribute of television. One important attribute that deems if a story is news-worthy is whether or not it is visually compelling. large disasters or suffering on television can motivate a response in citzens. viewers can be encouraged to donate money or partake in global media events. (example Live Aid)
  • Overall:
    • stunning visuals can help to evoke civic enagement
    • exposure to news helps citizens maintain public connections
    • Television clearly has the ability to enage audiences. Unfortunately, television has been unable to foster civic engagement in national politics.
    • Citizens have difficulty translating television journalism into civic knowledge

Civic Agency as Seen on TV

  • A study was conducted in 2005 to explore how citizens and their views figure into television news. The study was aimed to see how television news portrays the role of citizens in shaping political life in the US and UK.
  • The study Found:
    • that jounalists listen to public opinion
    • 30-40 percent of all news stories have at least some reference to public opinion
    • 40 percent of news stories refer to public opinion via 'in the street' style interviews
    • Only 3 percent of news stories use readily available public opinion polls
    • Journalist are making claims about citizens with little to no evidence
    • Generalized assumptions about citizens tend to be more conservative that poll results would support
  • More importantly, this study shows that citizens have no clear place in television news. Citizens respond to issues on television instead of offering suggestions. Only four percent of news items from the study showed citizens offering any political commentary. The main actors on news television is government and business.
    • Essentially, politics are packaged and sold to citizens. Viewers of political television are treated as consumers. "The public is spoken for by a variety of powerful voices, but does little speaking of its own, and is given little or no help in learning how to do so in politically effective ways via television news."
  • Despite these findings, there are some ways that television benefits the public sphere
    • television has helped turn private life into a shared public culture. Audiences incorporated as citizens into the public sphere
    • Television also helps viewers understand news stories. Television can define, explain, create narratives, talks over etc. news stories. Television can be considered a 'working through'
    • Television can also encourage audiences to be aware of and critically analyze the conservative bias prevalent on television
      • The Daily Show does an excellent job of combining journalism and comedy to access the bias on FOX news.

"Politicotainment"

The concept of "Politicotainment" refers to the combination of politics and entertainment on television. When politics borrows characteristics from popular culture to increase the emotional engagement of the viewer. Likewise when popular culture borrows elements from politics to anchor the content in some real life issue. Examples of this are "The Daily Show" and "The Colbert Report" which both use comedy (an element of popular culture) to convey opinions on political issues and events.

Chapter 7- Internet and Civic Potential

Chapter Summary

Dahlgren notes that the Internet has revolutionized how individuals operate and communicate in contemporary society. Becoming more pervasive than ever, the Internet has redefined communicative space and place involving both ‘real life’ and ‘virtual' reality. Dahlgren believes we are being ushered into the age of the network society where online practices both extend and threaten the world’s possibilities of connecting. Its role complicates politics although offers opportunities for participation. As political engagement rises with the spread of the Internet, control and security have become increasingly difficult and threaten communication patterns necessary for the functioning of democracy in modern society [27].

Taking Stock of the Net: Civic Horizons

The Internet has become apart of our daily activity as we have domesticated and assimilated them into our routines.

  • Revolutionized, Dahlgren notes that virtual realities and life online have begun substituting real life experiences. These emerging technologies are also socially distruptive and have societal implications involving patterns of social interaction, cultural practices and political participation

Space, Place and Possibility

Dahlgren identifies that spatial dimensions are transforming: Space can be constituted by communication process that may be very different than place.

  • This online space allows for interspatiality and self-publishing, mostly for leisure and entertainment, that blurs the boundaries between producers and consumers.
    • Networks including: Youtube, Facebook and Wiki
  • New Visibility: As emergence of online communication and social engagement through the internet increases Less privacy and control over content which decreases reliability of the net [28]
  • Spaces and Practices: Dahlgren believes that cyberspace is a realm of practices and experience
    • As social networking increases so has the blurring boundaries between producers and consumers. These social practices including: e-mailing, blogging, 'tweeting', virtual games, communication, informational networking etc. - these all empower individuals with an online experience.
  • Internet enhances societies ability to do more for themselves, in cooperation with others which offers potential for civic agency..

The Network Perspective

Dahlgren discusses how our 'Information Society' has moved into the 'Network Society' where spaces and places have radically changed.

  • Information and communication technologies extend and deepen the network character of society
  • Dahlgren specifies the different kinds of networks [29]
    • Associational
    • Societal
    • Issue- or interest-based networks
    • Imposed
  • We live our network lives with help of informational and communication technologies therefore the more connected the more likely to participate as effective citizen

Public Spheres Online: Social Contexts and Media Logic

Dahlgren discusses how the Internet 'serves to enhance the public sphere via various forms of civic talk'. [30]

  • The Internet and Democracy. The Internet has become an increasing concern within political communication. With the incorporation of e-democracy and political actors campaign online, democracy is changing rapidly. The internet has become a significant resource for political change as a space for information and modes of participation. Dahlgren identifies that net activity has the ability to impact mass medias coverage of political parties profoundly.

Babel and Cocoons

Dahlgren states, "There is a concern that the sprawling diversity and fragmentation of public spheres on the net will underminde the communication patterns necessary for the functioning of democracy" (p.162). Cacophony is likely to occur with the babel effect where more frequently visited sites become a space for net users to cluster, known as the clustering phenomenon.

  • Political spaces for discussion are required for different cultures, languages and groups of individuals to feel their participation is meaningful. Although with this, Dahlgren identifies that 'information cacoons' begin to occur where various groups have little contact with one another and potentially effective alliances become less capable. [31]
  • Extreme political views and polarization of parties could then occur
    • strong vs. weak public spheres

Online Public Spheres

  • Pre-or-proto political domain
  • The journalism domain
  • Traditional advocacy domain
  • Alternative activist domain
  • Manifestations of e-government
  • Civic Forums: Civic talk can take place, views are exchanged among citizens

The internet represents a massive boost for the public sphere and offers opportunities to participate for citizens: But do these public spheres serve to enhance democracy?

Caution [32]

As the Internet promotes political engagement, Dahlgren notes the circumstances that may arise in regard to the public sphere and civic engagement

  • Daily net use is more for entertainment, communication, gaming etc.
  • The cyber-environment fosters a consumerist identity with a largely individualistic course of action.
  • The net is far from a free-flowing arena without borders (government/geography control)
  • Communication technologies issues including surveillance, privacy, control and risk.
  • Digital divide: massive world-wide inequalities between nations.

Dahlgreen concludes that "the internet on its own can offer neither a fast track to economic improvement nor a shortcut to democracy" (p. 171) all have a negative consequence for democracy.

Suggested Further Readings

  1. K. Wade & M. Best article, 'The Internet and Democracy: Global Catalyst or Democratic Dud?' [33]
  2. John Streets article, 'Remote Control? Politics, Technology and Electronic Democracy' [34]

Literature Review

Questions for Consideration

  1. Are there any bodies of power that can control civic talk on the internet?
  2. Can place and practice be separated ?
  3. Networking.
  4. Could political engagement and participation be brought fully online one day or does control and security over the internet cause to many issues?
  5. Will political participation dissolve if voting is note brought online?

Chapter 8- Online Practices and Civic Cultures

Chapter Summary

In Chapter 8, Dahlgren examines the potentials and conditions of Internet use for civic purposes. Three factors that Dahlgren investigates are that of the many dynamics of the Internet, which include, journalism and online evolution, the European Union and how it is being used for lobbying by NGOS, and finally net use within alter-globalization movements and online activism. Dahlgren comes to an assertion that the future of democracy lays in its youth. Young people and how they decide to 'participate' has profound ramifications on how they manipulate their lives and the world around them. The youth needs to start to grasp the importance of democracy and its roots to therefore keep the foundation of basic political structures intact.


Section 1: Journalism and Online Evolution

3 Focus Areas:

1. Adapting to the Cyber-Environment

- Internet has revolutionized journalism (newsgathering - production - storage- editing- distribution) - Newspapers and other traditional news forced to make information available through variety of platforms - Traditional news develop their online presence, still new actors in competition for audience attention - Actors include non-press content providers (Yahoo, Google, MSN), alternative news organizations (www.indymedia.com), Do-It-Yourself Citizen journalism (www.wikinews.org), and sites that engage in mainstream news (www.mediachannel.org) -Who is/Who isn't a journalist becoming increasingly fuzzy, lines are blurred in cyberspace – Better technology does not always lead to better journalism

2. Alternative and Participatory Journalism Online

  • Dichotomy between mainstream and alternative journalism, allows for emergence of hybrid journalists, both alternative and participatory journalism suggest two different kinds and degrees of civic engagement
  • Alternative Journalism alternative web sites that challenge mainstream worldviews, such as www.alternet.org , www.zmag.org , and www.fair.org, the network established by Independent Media Centers – www.indymedia.org is the most extensive online alternative news service– generates a different kind of news organization, as they see themselves as an oppositional force that offers an alternative world-view to mainstream media. Indymedia offers outlets to groups and individuals who believe their understanding of the world has been ignored by the dominant media.
  • Participatory Journalism: citizens are invited to generate content, while professionals also generate content and remain in charge of the overall production, distribution and marketing. Participatory journalism takes many forms, including public’s feedback on published stories, initiation of new stories, and supplying materials such as visuals.

Participatory Journalism is readily accessible to most citizens, and does not have to be sustained with daily effort.

3. Ambiguities of the Blogosphere

  • Political blogging: form of citizen journalism of the opinion/commentary kind.
  • Bloggers seem to have taken journalistic production into their own hands, and today several million Internet users participate in blogging.
  • Today, news and current affairs topics account for less than one-fifth of all blogs, which is not surprising seeing as how prevalent politics is on the Internet.
  • Blogs that feature current affairs or a political profile usually feature alternative political perspectives, for example blogs from military personnel and civilians in the Iraq war who challenge the official view from Washington.
  • The elite press is becoming more and more involved in blogging, as political blogging is becoming an important sector of the public sphere. Mainstream journalists are also making use of the blog format, where they want to normalize blogging.

The evolution of journalism through the Internet opens up numerous outlets for civic participation. Individual blogging reproduces the ambiguities about what constitutes as journalism and even politics. Blogging often leans toward the personal, but can also problematize traditional conceptions of private and public. Blogs are often a way of self-expression – and being visible in the media is taking on increased important in the lives of many young people. Young people are doing many things with the Internet – a key activity is socializing and spending time with other online who are a part of their social circles. Facebook and Myspace – participate in diary blogging about lives – socializing and also confirming identifies.

Overall, Dahlgren states that journalism will continue to become more plural in its forms, functions, and practitioners. He states that we need to be able to distinguish better stories from less good ones, accurate accounts from distortions and truths from falsehoods. The journalistic unction within later modern democracy will remain an environment of difficulty and contention, but also creativity.

Section 2: NGOS as Civic EU Networks

Moving into the next area of investigation, Dahlgren examines how the Internet is being used for lobbying by Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOS)

Part A: Civic Disengagement in the EU: Familiar Dilemmas Amplified

When examining civic disengagement in the European Union, there are several dilemmas that arise. Major issues include political orientation, loyalties, and participation of the citizens. Dahlgren explains that participation election of the Parliament in the most recent election had less than 50% turnout, as they see democracy involving themes such as low voter turnouts, poor media performance, civic indifference, and political cynicism. Dahlgren further explains, “Without the acceptance of the citizens of the member states and without a minimal degree of their engagement in the European Union’s affairs, democracy will become an empty shell” (p.182).

The European Union

  • Is creating projects to increase voter participation, however there is a lack of support for democratic reform.
  • The EU has more than twenty official languages, different political cultures, and different national identifies therefore a unified European identity seems to be unrealistic.
  • EU Public Sphere – filtered through journalism of the national media, and the European Union is usually under-represented in journalistic coverage, as angles are usually accentuating national interests.
  • This solidifies the EU’s democratic deficit. The EU does not figure in the socio-political imaginary of most of its citizen.
  • Journalism in the European Union does not follow an independent path, as it is integrated into the political culture that do not really have a large interest in giving the EU the time and space it warrants.
  • The EU’s notion of participation consists its consultation with selected groups, and doesn’t extend to decision-making.

The European Union is constrained at the source and at national outlets, which constrict the development of EU civic cultures. Emerging Networks: The EU and the Internet – discovered mainly for reaching large audiences through a mass medium.

  • Example: EurActiv – www.euractiv.com
  • is a media portal dedicated to EU affairs, concentrates on policy positions of elite EU actors trying to influence policies already in the pre-legislative phaseEUX.TV is a private news-oriented channel devoted to the EU
  • The advent of the Internet has enhanced opportunities for contemporary networking – which is significant for civic agency within the European Union. Net-based politics within the context of the EU at present is not as manifest as in other political context, but it is emerging. Large numbers of established Non-Governmental Organizations that have mobilized citizens engagement, across national borders. There are few social movements that target the EU – tens of thousands of NGOs registered – generally stable organizations, build coalitions between themselves and other groups, reach out to new potential citizen participants, debate with opponents and provide access to spectator publics – what is relevant in terms of the European Union is that they are engaged in lobbying and opinion-building in order to influence policy decisions. Recent re-organizations has led to the launch of The European Commission and Civil Society www.ec.europa.eu/civil_society/apgen_en.htm - where users can read about the legal framework, processes and scope, definitions and standards

NGOS are seen as promoting the common good, are non profit, and are independent of governments and political parties – represent European civil society interests European Commission makes no distinction between civil society groups and other interest groups – both are interested parties NGOS have a well-institutionalized role to play in the European Union – EU awards 1.5 billion Euros in funding to various NGOS – may have formal consulting agreements, many others actively engage in lobbying with the EU to promote their causes and attempt to impact policy in a variety of areas

HOWEVER – NGOS do NOT always maintain the close contacts with their grassroots support as might be expected, are less communicative than the more loosely structures social movement organizations Five examples of NGOS – coordinated many members of the NGOS

  1. European Environmental Bureau
  2. European Federation for Transport and Environment
  3. The European Women’s Lobby
  4. European Network Against Racism
  5. CONCORD

All these NGOS are firmly oriented to the European Union and operate within its boundaries. If you go on the websites of any of these NGOS you will NOT find a plea for European Identity, appeal for European civilization, or a defense of the European Union.

RATHER- it encounters engagement with issues that affect Europe, or affect Europe’s relationship to/impact on the rest of the world – especially developing nations.

Part B : The EU and 'Project Identity

The second section of Non Governmental Organizations as Civic European Union Networks that Dahlgren further examines is the European Union and Project Identity. The European Union must “deliver goods” meanings to ensure social security, work-life stability, and enhancement of living standards. On the other hand – must demonstrate its allegiance to democratic values such as equality, justice, social solidarity, and universal human rights.

Project Identity

  • supports the European Union and mobilize their identity as EU citizens within this project
  • Citizens should not feel passionate about the European Union – but about their own interests and democratic values – the more that citizens realize that the European Union has fear-reaching impact on their lives, and the more knowledge they gain about it, the more they will become involved.

The more that they develop practices in relation to such engagement, the stronger will be this identity – project identity – values and procedures of EU democracy that does not directly compete with the emotionality of national identities Dimension of values is pivotal for EU citizens’ self-and collective understanding: Loyalty to the substantive and procedural values of democracy becomes the bedrock of EU civic identities

Cosmopolitan Citizens

  • launching citizenship beyond the borders of the nation-state
  • Project Identity in relation to NGO Websites – manifest an instrumental relationship to the EU, based on the understanding that this is an arena and a power center that must be addressed in order to enact desirable change in the world
  • NGO-EU civic cultures, facilitated by the Internet – if the political climate and culture within the Commission should change, then some important structures fostering EU-oriented civic cultures will already be in place – in the meantime the E will have to make due with more modest levels of commitment to democratic values in the foreseeable future.

Section 3: Online Activism Global Horizons

The final section in Chapter Eight examines Online Activism. Dahlgren examines how both technological and economical access to the net has helped to facilitate the growth of massive, coordinated digital networks of engaged activists. People have the possibilities to readily express their views, as well as counter those of the more powerful, not least as expressed in the dominant mass media.

Traditional centers of power have less information and control over their environment than previously. Global activism that is directed at political issues of a transnational kind is growing and making use of the Internet.


Part A: Social Movements and Net Use

There are three categories Social Movement Organizations: 1 .Large Umbrella Hub Organizations – example: Association for Progressive Communication (www.apc.org ) which serves a coordinating function for many other member groups, represent broad interests of alternative groups, actively promote use of new media by pooling expertise and resources 2. Advocacy Organizations – groups that provide a virtual platform for interaction, organization, communication, and mobilization. Examples: www.attac.org - encourage fact to face interaction, influence public opinion 3. Web organizations serve as key information centers – offer forums, mailing lists, networking, mobilization, and alternative information and points of view

Anti-Globalization/ Alter-Globalization Movement: challenges contemporary processes of globalization by Social Movement Organizations and institutionalized Non Governmental Organization.. The Anti-globalization movement has grown rapidly and made its presence felt in the centers of political and economic power – difficult to specify the boundaries of the alter-globalization movement. More effort must be spent on political interventions to make real changes, and this in turn requires a social imaginary that will be flexible, inclusive, and visionary.

Part B: Practices On-and Offline

The second aspect of online activism that Dahlgren explores is practice on and off line. The Internet provides an inexpensive, fast and simple way for multi-media communication. Groups attempt to generate publicity that will result in pressure leading to changes in corporate policies. A key strategy is culture jamming – which makes use of dominant media imagery to subvert political or commercial messages in a parody.

There are online activities that strive to impact an opinion and decision-making, communication directed outside the network to the general public, decision-makers, and economic power holders. Much of alternative political movements are witnessed online, via Web sites.

Six Basic Communication Functions of SMOS: 1) Providing Information 2) Assisting Action and Mobilization 3) Promoting Dialogue 4) Making Lateral Linkages with Other Groups 5) Furthering Internal Organizational Activities 6) Serving As AN Outlet For Cultural Production

Hacktivism: represents yet another area of net activity, one that raises ethical and legal questions – merger of computer hacking with political activism, uses computer technology for a variety of different practices to impact opinion, influence decisions, and even to disrupt or undermine political opponents, includes information theft and information redirection, Web site sabotage, etc.

EXAMPLE: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kxag33MbSh8

Hacktivism is often done by people with backgrounds in art or theater, as it aims to make a statement rather than to have a technological impact.

The Internet constitutes an important factor in the emergence of civic cultures that potentially support radical forms of alternative politics – which has to do with technology and also how the technology borders with socio-cultural trends of political importance.

Part C: Networks and Civic Cultures

The final section under Online Activism that Dahlgren examines is Networks and Civic Cultures. The most obvious civic culture dimension is the Internet, which features vast and easily accessible civic spaces that facilitate political participation.

Another dimension is Knowledge , as most web sites have some form of updates, news, analyses, links to resources, self-help – in many cases knowledge is shared among engaged citizens and have less of a hierarchical professional register Actors are another dimension, as they have different profiles – ranging from NGOS and foundation-sponsored nonprofit organizations to social movements, political activist groups, etc. Insistence on activism, engagement, networking, community point to values that differ from those found in mainstream media

There is an increasing emphasis on networking, information sharing, and alliance building underscores the sense of trust and affinity that is central to these civic cultures

Use of the net helps create new conditions for democratic engagement, and citizenship as social agency ahs found new forms of expression – sense of empowerment that can follow from net activism supports newer forms of citizen identity.

Media Generations: Conclusion

Dahlgren concludes that the future of democracy lays in its youth – which has always been the case – however TODAY the factor of generation is especially important as many of the trends we see in regard to media use and democratic participation are shaped by chances that have to do with the youth generation.

Dot.net organization – between 15-28 years of age – this generation is less involved in traditional politics - younger citizens are less likely than older generations to assert that democracy involves obligations, and have less trust than their elders.

Youth’s motivation to seek political knowledge, and the values, trust, and identities necessary to promote and sustain political participation are weak. Basically, our generation has the skills and tools, but lack the motivation.

Dahlgren reiterates the importance of grasping democracy and trying to keep it abreast in our society today. He further states that as a democratic country, we need to improve citizen’s capacities to engage intelligently in political life.

Dahlgren concludes that tomorrow’s media technologies will no doubt be more breathtaking – however democracy cannot exist without input and participation from its citizens. “We cannot know what kinds of media-based civic cultures will develop in the future, but the struggle for democracy, for present and future generations, will remain inexorably political” (Dahlgren, p.202).

Suggested Further Readings

  1. Castells, M. (1998). The Power of Identity. London: Blackwell.
  2. Dahlgren, P., Olsson, T. (2007). From Public Spheres to Civic Cultures: Young citizens' Internet use. Media and Public Spheres. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrace Macmillan, p. 198-211.
  3. Evans, S. (2007). Youth and Democracy: Participation for personal, relational and collective well-being. Journal of Community Psychology. 35(6), p. 681-692.
  4. Fleishman, J. (2007). Enlivening and broadening participatory democracy: Reflections on youth and democracy articles. Journal of Community Psychology. 35(6), p. 815-817.
  5. Gardner, J. (2010). Democracy's Orphans: Rights, Responsibility and the Role of the State in the Lives of Incarcerated Youth. Youth & Society. 42(1), p. 81-103.
  6. Kaitatzi-Whitlock, Sophia. (2005). Europe's Political Communication Deficit. Bury St Edmunds, UK: Arima Publishing.
  7. Pavlic, John V. (2001). Journalism and New Media. New York: Columbia University Press.
  8. Wulff, B. (2003). Creating a sandlot of democracy: The Study circles resource centre's approach to youth civic engagement. National Civic Review. 92(3), p.12-19


Literature Review

Questions for Consideration

1. Would you prefer to have the news provided for you, or to search for it through a do it yourself website such as Wiki News?

2. Do you find it surprising that political blogging only accounts for 1/5 of all blogs?

3. Does anyone know what an example of civic engagement is?

Notes and References

http://journals2.scholarsportal.info.proxy.library.brocku.ca/tmp/4139008963669884030.pdf
  1. ↑ Dahlgren, P. (2009) Media and Political Engagement. (Cambridge UP, New York)
  2. ↑ Dahlgren, P. (2009) Media and Political Engagement. (Cambridge UP, New York)
  3. ↑ http://resolver.scholarsportal.info/resolve/03042421/v26i0006/741_tgrdotpsilta
  4. ↑ http://www.thestar.com/News/Ontario/article/543011
  5. ↑ http://resolver.scholarsportal.info/resolve/1081180x/v07i0003/3_tbabrooc
  6. ↑ Dahlgren, P. (2009) Media and Political Engagement. (Cambridge UP, New York)
  7. ↑ Dahlgren, P. (2009) Media and Political Engagement. (Cambridge UP, New York)
  8. ↑ http://academic.udayton.edu/clarakim/inequality/articles/1-intro/Marshall--Citizenship%20and%20Social%20Class.pdf
  9. ↑ http://proxy.library.brocku.ca/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=10687558&login.asp&site=ehost-live&scope=site
  10. ↑ http://www.beyondintractability.org/booksummary/10670/
  11. ↑ http://polaris.gseis.ucla.edu/pagre/republic.html
  12. ↑ http://www.wehavephotoshop.com/PHILOSOPHY%20NOW/PHILOSOPHY/Habermas/Structural.Transformation.of.the.Public.Sphere.-.Jurgen.Habermas.pdf
  13. ↑ http://journals2.scholarsportal.info/details-sfx.xqy?uri=/02673231/v23i0003/371_rslaapbib22p.xml
  14. ↑ http://proxy.library.brocku.ca/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ufh&AN=22713411&login.asp&site=ehost-live&scope=site
  15. ↑ http://academic.udayton.edu/clarakim/inequality/articles/1-intro/Marshall--Citizenship%20and%20Social%20Class.pdf
  16. ↑ http://proxy.library.brocku.ca/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=10687558&login.asp&site=ehost-live&scope=site
  17. ↑ http://www.beyondintractability.org/booksummary/10670/
  18. ↑ http://polaris.gseis.ucla.edu/pagre/republic.html
  19. ↑ http://www.wehavephotoshop.com/PHILOSOPHY%20NOW/PHILOSOPHY/Habermas/Structural.Transformation.of.the.Public.Sphere.-.Jurgen.Habermas.pdf
  20. ↑ http://journals2.scholarsportal.info/details-sfx.xqy?uri=/02673231/v23i0003/371_rslaapbib22p.xml
  21. ↑ http://proxy.library.brocku.ca/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ufh&AN=22713411&login.asp&site=ehost-live&scope=site
  22. ↑ http://ann.sagepub.com/content/628/1/85.abstract
  23. ↑ http://www.abebooks.com/Trouble-Passion-Cheryl-Hall-Taylor-Francis/1289732081/bd
  24. ↑ http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/non-voters-either-didnt-see-point-or-were-too-busy-on-may-2-study-finds/article2086982/
  25. ↑ http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/the-real-reason-no-one-wants-an-election/article1301959/
  26. ↑ Dahlgren, P. (2009) Media and Political Engagement. (Cambridge UP, New York)
  27. ↑ Dahlgren, P. (2009) Media and Political Engagement. (Cambridge UP, New York)
  28. ↑ Thompson, John B. (2005) "The new visibility." Theory, Culture & Society 22(6): 31-51.
  29. ↑ Nieminen, Hannu (2007) "Europe of networks or the European public sphere? Four plus one approaches." Paper presented at the 50th Congress of the International Association for Media and Communication Research, Paris, July 22-55.
  30. ↑ Shane, Peter (2004) Democracy Online: The Prospects for Political Renewal Through the Internet. London: Routeledge.
  31. ↑ Sunstein, Cass (2007) Republic.com 2.0. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
  32. ↑ Mossberger, Karen, Caroline J. Tolbert, and Ramona S. McNeal (2007) Digital Citizenship: The Internet, Society and Participation. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
  33. ↑ http://resolver.scholarsportal.info.proxy.library.brocku.ca/resolve/02704676/v29i0004/255_tiad
  34. ↑ http://resolver.scholarsportal.info.proxy.library.brocku.ca/resolve/02673231/v12i0001/27_rcptad
==Notes and References==
  1. ↑ Dahlgren, P. (2009) Media and Political Engagement. (Cambridge UP, New York)
  2. ↑ Dahlgren, P. (2009) Media and Political Engagement. (Cambridge UP, New York)
  3. ↑ http://resolver.scholarsportal.info/resolve/03042421/v26i0006/741_tgrdotpsilta
  4. ↑ http://www.thestar.com/News/Ontario/article/543011
  5. ↑ http://resolver.scholarsportal.info/resolve/1081180x/v07i0003/3_tbabrooc
  6. ↑ Dahlgren, P. (2009) Media and Political Engagement. (Cambridge UP, New York)
  7. ↑ Dahlgren, P. (2009) Media and Political Engagement. (Cambridge UP, New York)
  8. ↑ http://academic.udayton.edu/clarakim/inequality/articles/1-intro/Marshall--Citizenship%20and%20Social%20Class.pdf
  9. ↑ http://proxy.library.brocku.ca/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=10687558&login.asp&site=ehost-live&scope=site
  10. ↑ http://www.beyondintractability.org/booksummary/10670/
  11. ↑ http://polaris.gseis.ucla.edu/pagre/republic.html
  12. ↑ http://www.wehavephotoshop.com/PHILOSOPHY%20NOW/PHILOSOPHY/Habermas/Structural.Transformation.of.the.Public.Sphere.-.Jurgen.Habermas.pdf
  13. ↑ http://journals2.scholarsportal.info/details-sfx.xqy?uri=/02673231/v23i0003/371_rslaapbib22p.xml
  14. ↑ http://proxy.library.brocku.ca/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ufh&AN=22713411&login.asp&site=ehost-live&scope=site
  15. ↑ http://academic.udayton.edu/clarakim/inequality/articles/1-intro/Marshall--Citizenship%20and%20Social%20Class.pdf
  16. ↑ http://proxy.library.brocku.ca/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=aph&AN=10687558&login.asp&site=ehost-live&scope=site
  17. ↑ http://www.beyondintractability.org/booksummary/10670/
  18. ↑ http://polaris.gseis.ucla.edu/pagre/republic.html
  19. ↑ http://www.wehavephotoshop.com/PHILOSOPHY%20NOW/PHILOSOPHY/Habermas/Structural.Transformation.of.the.Public.Sphere.-.Jurgen.Habermas.pdf
  20. ↑ http://journals2.scholarsportal.info/details-sfx.xqy?uri=/02673231/v23i0003/371_rslaapbib22p.xml
  21. ↑ http://proxy.library.brocku.ca/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=ufh&AN=22713411&login.asp&site=ehost-live&scope=site
  22. ↑ http://ann.sagepub.com/content/628/1/85.abstract
  23. ↑ http://www.abebooks.com/Trouble-Passion-Cheryl-Hall-Taylor-Francis/1289732081/bd
  24. ↑ http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/non-voters-either-didnt-see-point-or-were-too-busy-on-may-2-study-finds/article2086982/
  25. ↑ http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/the-real-reason-no-one-wants-an-election/article1301959/
  26. ↑ Dahlgren, P. (2009) Media and Political Engagement. (Cambridge UP, New York)
  27. ↑ Dahlgren, P. (2009) Media and Political Engagement. (Cambridge UP, New York)
  28. ↑ Thompson, John B. (2005) "The new visibility." Theory, Culture & Society 22(6): 31-51.
  29. ↑ Nieminen, Hannu (2007) "Europe of networks or the European public sphere? Four plus one approaches." Paper presented at the 50th Congress of the International Association for Media and Communication Research, Paris, July 22-55.
  30. ↑ Shane, Peter (2004) Democracy Online: The Prospects for Political Renewal Through the Internet. London: Routeledge.
  31. ↑ Sunstein, Cass (2007) Republic.com 2.0. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
  32. ↑ Mossberger, Karen, Caroline J. Tolbert, and Ramona S. McNeal (2007) Digital Citizenship: The Internet, Society and Participation. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
  33. ↑ http://resolver.scholarsportal.info.proxy.library.brocku.ca/resolve/02704676/v29i0004/255_tiad
  34. ↑ http://resolver.scholarsportal.info.proxy.library.brocku.ca/resolve/02673231/v12i0001/27_rcptad
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